HAPPY 4TH!!!

By Marc Comtois | July 4, 2007 |
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RE: DCYF’s Problems

By Marc Comtois | July 3, 2007 |
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Pat Crowley–who throws ad hominem attacks around like a Fenway Park Vendor throws peanuts (though they’re more accurate)–has peeked in to drop a couple bombs concerning my DCYF post. However, he did attempt a more substantive critique at Kmareka (a post which Justin already mentioned). Crowley thinks that my calculations don’t take into account compounding of salaries–“each year the raises are on the raises from the prior year”–and that they “are skewed because they count certain things twice….Vacation, for example. If I get to take a week off, I get paid right? But I don’t get paid twice. AR…count[s] my regular salary AND my vacation pay… they count it twice, in other words.”
To start with, there was no intention to shape the stats to fit my argument, as he implied. I kept hearing how the overall budget has increased so much since 1998, that I got the State Budge docs from as far back as I could (2001) and proceeded from there. My “technique” was simple: crunch some numbers in a straightforward way and post the results. The 29% increase in salary per position since 2001 was derived from the difference of the average DCYF salary then ($47,500) until now ($61,300). But the increase in the total amount devoted to salary from year to year is only part of it: the other part is the reduction in the number of positions and how, taken together, there has actually been an overall increase of salary per position.
I think most people would ask: has my salary increased 29% ($13,800) since 2001? But let me amend that: these increases are for positions, not people. A better question would be: has my salary increased 29% ($13,800) since 2001 even though I’ve never been promoted?
OK, you asked for it: more fun with tables. As they say, there are lies, damn lies and statistics, right? Well, here is a year-to-year breakdown that may assuage Crowley’s compounded concerns.



DCYF – Year to Year Salary Increases
Year# FTE’s% Change # FTE’sTotal Salary ($Mil)% Change Ttl. Sal.Avg. FTE Salary% Change

Inflation Rate
2001875.9$41.7$47,600
2002875.90%$45.89.8%$52,3009.9%2.83%
2003868.9–<1%$484.8%$55,2005.5%1.59%
2004853.8-1.8%$46.4-3.4%$54,400-1.5%2.27%
2005851.8–<1%$471.1%$55,2001.5%2.68%
2006849.8–<1%$49.75.7%$58,4005.8%3.39%
2007821.8-3.4%$49.5-2.9%$60,2003.1%3.24%
2008810.0-1.5$49.7+<1%$61,3001.8%2.51%

As the table shows, calculating things in a slightly different way reveals that changes in total salary for the entire DCYF aren’t exactly the same as changes in the average salary per FTE position. If anyone wants to suggest alternate methods, feel free.
Crowley’s example re:vacation might be applicable when calculating total payroll (salary and benefits). I used the budget numbers by the state to calculate total payroll per Full Time Equivalent position. Genuine question: Is he saying the State–including the Budget office and the Legislature–has been using faulty math for at least the past decade in calculating those numbers?
ADDENDUM: In the comments, “Bobby O” believes I’m excluding important comparative data. I’ve added Inflation rate to the above table. Bobby also believes that I’m not taking into the number of caseloads. Well, according to RI Kids Count:

Between 2000 and 2005, in Rhode Island, the total Department of Children, Youth and Families (DCYF) caseload remained relatively constant at around 8,000 cases. In 2006, the number of children on the DCYF caseload increased to 9,414, a 19% increase from 2005.

That’s the most up-to-date I can find. Bobby ties the high caseloads to the need for the State to make an attractive compensation package to lure workers. My first thought was, “where are all of the altruistic RIC grads?”, but the question really goes back to the argument made before: slightly less compensation = a few more workers = lighter caseloads = better service.
Hey Bobby, here’s a thought. If you want to cut jobs in one place to add more workers at DCYF, why not turn your eyes to the Legislature? (Hey, I can play this game all day).



Legislature Increases – 2001 ->2008
20012008Change (Value)% Change
Total FTE’s260298.2+38.2+11%
Total Salaries$12,223,039$18,952,525+$6,729,486 +55%
Total Salary/FTE$47,012$63,556+$16,544+35%
Total Salary+Benefits$18,952,525$29,396,150+$10,443,625+55%
Total S+B / FTE$64,463$98,579+$34,116+53%

The numbers speak for themselves.

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What’s in a Catch Phrase?

By Justin Katz | July 3, 2007 |
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Kiersten Marek offers a rare opportunity to highlight — in productive, conversational terms — what liberals and conservatives see differently in one of the topics over which they wrangle:

I know some at Anchorrising.com and the head of the Rhode Island Republican party, Giovanni Cicione, complain of the strong poverty advocacy lobby in the state, but when I read statistics like those above, it seems to me that our poverty advocacy lobby is not strong enough.

The statistics to which she refers are the various room and board payments to foster households in the Southern New England states, among which Rhode Island’s are substantially lower than the others. I’m not inclined to argue against increasing in-the-field payments; rather, the phrase that draws my attention is “strong poverty advocacy lobby.”
Like many who share my general ideology, I’m suspicious of these catch phrases not only because they’re grammatically vulgar (as if somebody’s advocating poverty), but also because the linguistic contortions just give the impression that they’re disguising emphases. I don’t think, for example, that many people on my side of the aisle are opposed to strong advocacy on behalf of those in need. (Otherwise, I’d find my church a much less hospitable place.) The complaint is that having a “strong poverty advocacy lobby” doesn’t mean that the worthy cause is being advocated with particular strength or effectiveness; it means that the lobby wields strength on its own behalf.
If advocacy on behalf of the poor were strong, it wouldn’t rely so heavily on those who stand to benefit financially from increasing budgets, but would treat service providers as another group that must be lobbied for the benefit of those who receive services. As Marc, especially, has been pointing out, lately, the funds are there, and I’d suggest to Kiersten that the goal of lobbying shouldn’t be a bottomless pit of taxpayer resources, but accountability and effectiveness of the entire system, from the tax collector through to low-rung state employees.

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Reverend Barry Lynn Defends the Censorship of Religious Newspapers

By Carroll Andrew Morse | July 2, 2007 |
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In a letter to the editor in Saturday’s Projo, Reverend Barry Lynn, Executive Director of Americans United for Separation of Church and State, defended his organization’s position in favor of government censorship of print media. Americans United has filed an IRS complaint against the Diocese of Providence for publishing Bishop Thomas Tobin’s criticism of Rudolph Giuliani’s public stance on abortion in its weekly newspaper, the Rhode Island Catholic. Writing that “free speech is not a plausible defense” (of course, to censors, it never is), Rev. Lynn cited a 1992 court case that he believes set a precedent limiting the content that religious newspapers are allowed to publish…

In 1992, a church in New York ran newspaper ads advising people not to vote for Bill Clinton. The IRS revoked the church’s tax-exempt status, and the church sued to get it back. A federal appeals court ruled unanimously against the church, rejecting its free-speech argument.
However, for this precedent to apply, you have to accept the view that newspaper op-eds are forms of paid political advertising, implying — if you really believe in treating religious and non-religious organizations without bias — that secular, corporate-owned media should also be prohibited from editorializing on political candidates since campaign finance laws expressly prohibit corporations from making expenditures “expressly advocating the election or defeat of one or more clearly identified candidate(s) or the candidates of a clearly identified political party”.
In other words, if Rev. Lynn believes that the IRS should crack down on the Rhode Island Catholic for using Mayor Giuliani’s name in an op-ed, shouldn’t he also believe that the FEC should crack down on the Belo Corporation for doing the same?
The only way to apply the 1992 precedent to Bishop Tobin’s op-ed without making a case that all political discourse on American op-ed pages needs to be shut down is to assert that diocesan newspapers like the Rhode Island Catholic are not entitled to the full range of First Amendment protections enjoyed by “real” newspapers, i.e. that religious newspapers are second-class media organizations entitled to fewer first-amendment protections than non-religious ones. Does advocating for restrictions on the free-press rights of religious newspapers sound like a reasonable interpretation of the “separation of church and state” to you, or does it sound more like Americans United for Separation of Church and State represents a fringe that believes not so much that government should be neutral towards religion, but that government should actively discourage the expression of religious belief in public?

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Talking About Wealth and Wedges

By Justin Katz | July 1, 2007 |
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Partly as an excuse to fiddle with the technology, I’ve recorded an MP3 reading of some musings about being a carpenter on the Bellevue/Ocean Drive beat (available as a stream or a download).

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Taking the Bishop’s Cue

By Justin Katz | July 1, 2007 |
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For those who might have missed it (whether by accident or by design), I’ve got a piece in today’s Providence Journal that considers some of the discussion that Bishop Tobin’s reflections on Rudy Giuliani inspired.

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DCYF’s Problems: A Matter of Fiscal Priorities

By Marc Comtois | June 29, 2007 |
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The ProJo reports:

Rhode Island’s Child Advocate Jametta O. Alston is pursuing class-action status on behalf of the 3,000 children now in state custody, aiming for nothing less than an overhaul of Rhode Island’s child-welfare system, which the suit portrays as overburdened and mismanaged.
“It’s beyond broken,” Alston said of the system. “It’s demolished. It doesn’t work.”
Rhode Island was the worst in the nation in the number of children abused and neglected while in state foster care in five of the six years between 2000 and 2005, according to the suit. “We beat Mississippi and Alabama,” Alston said. “Think about that.” {Note: the ProJo corrected this statement on Saturday to read “rate” instead of “number” of children–ed.}

Alston claims there are some very real problems going on at DCYF.

…caseworkers are laboring under “excessive caseloads”; the state places too many children in institutions, group homes and emergency shelters; and children are being “reunited” with parents who have abused them.

If her claims are true, then the children are being twice-victimized. It’s a disgrace. As Alston wrote in the OCA’s 2006 report, night to night placement shouldn’t even be going on:

…DCYF provides the OCA weekly reports identifying children placed night to night. These reports indicate that more than two decades after the original lawsuit was filed, DCYF continues to rely on night to night placements. The reported total number of children placed night to night in 2006 is 234. The reported total number of night to night placement episodes for the 2006 year is 276…

Here’s an idea: why not spend, say, $71 million on a facility to hold these poor kids instead of moving them around every night? Then again, maybe a central facility may not be the best idea. According to the same report, there have been problems at the Rhode Island Training School, too. And when the OCA tried to address them, well…

During 2006, the OCA, RITS, CPS [Child Protective Services] and Council 94, Local 314 of the American Federation of Federal, State and Municipal Employees (AFSME) met numerous times as the parties attempted to work out investigative protocols which protect the child’s and worker’s respective rights without compromising the integrity of the investigative process and without draining the limited workforce resources of RITS. All parties had a shared concern for the safety and wellbeing of the residents but each time it appeared that there was agreement on the protocols, Council 94 would subsequently object to the OCA’s participation in the investigation. This led the OCA to reevaluate the protocols and its proposal for protocols for future investigations.

However, in the end, the OCA, in the aforementioned 2006 report, requests that more workers and money be appropriated to address the various problems. I appreciate the motive, but I think the “fix” is wrong-headed and will only enable the same attitudes and–tell me where you’ve heard this before–structural problems that have gotten DCYF into this mess. Besides, this is exactly what the State has been doing.
From 2001 to 2007, the amount budgeted for DCYF went up from $195,121,687 to $290,358,510, an increase of 48.8%. However, despite the pleas of Alston and groups like the RI Poverty institute, the Enacted 2008 State Budget saw a reduction of expenditures for DCYF down to $232,749,891 (though that is still an increase of 19% over 2001).
We all want to help poor kids in troubled families, but throwing more and more money at the problems hasn’t helped. Yet, neither does it seem logical to take away money, right? But looking at the overall DCYF budget doesn’t tell the whole story. In fact, there is one area where the growth hasn’t subsided at all: payroll.
In 2001, there were 875.9 FTE (Full Time Equivalent) positions whose salaries totaled $41,667,680, for an average salary of $47,571 per FTE. In 2008, there were 810 FTEs with a total salary component of $49,698,858, for an average of $61,357 per FTE. That’s an overall average salary increase of 30% over 7 years. That’s around a 4% increase per year (the inflation rate from 2001 to 2006 was around 2.5% and hasn’t increased). Meanwhile, the total number of FTEs has decreased by 66 positions. How is such a reduction helpful to the workloads?
And the numbers really jump when the total payroll costs (salary and benefits), which more accurately reflect the real cost to government–and taxpayers, are used. By adding benefits (Retirement, Medical, Medical Benefits Salary Disbursement and FICA) to the previous calculations, in 2001 there was a total payroll cost of $55,574,096 or $63,448 per FTE. In 2008, there was a total payroll cost of $76,652,769, or $94,633 per FTE. That is a net loss of 65.9 jobs (-7.5%) between 2001 and 2008, but an increase in payroll of $30,515.55 per FTE (+49%).
OK, so which job salaries are increasing the most, right? I suspect we’d hear an argument that all the money is going to upper management and administrative positions. Let’s take a look.



DCYF – Cost to Employ Comparison – Administrative
Position2001 Cost2007 Cost% Difference
Director, Dept. of Children, Youth & Families$118,719$145,95222.9%
Executive Director, Administration*$115,754$151,84831.2%
Administrative Assistant**$37,073$54,97548.3%
Deputy Director, (DCYF)$110,906100%
Associate Director, Child Welfare$132,968100%
Executive Assistant$74,067100%

*Now called “Executive Director, Administration (DCYF)”
**Now called “Confidential Secretary”

The increases in these positions average in the 30% range (though the Secretary saw an increase of nearly 50%–hmm, maybe it’s not just privatized secretaries who make out…). Plus, 3 new positions were created.
OK, let’s compare the increase in the costs of employment for a few “in the trenches” positions between 2001 and 2008. By the way, I didn’t cherry-pick these positions, folks. I simply went through and tried to find the positions with higher numbers of employees, figuring that they were the “average Jill or Joe” workers.


DCYF – Cost to Employ Comparison
Position2001 FTE2001 Cost2001 $/FTE2008 FTE2008 Cost2008 $/FTE$/FTE % Increase
Probation & Parole Counselor II34$1,775,898$73,995.7537$2,685,984$72,594.15-1.9%
Juvenile Program Worker121$4,327,711$35,766.20140$6,320,414$45,145.8026.2%
Casework Supervisor II54$2,912,108$53,927.9051$3,791,322$74,339.6537.9%
Child Protective Investigator67$3,308,487$49,380.4068$4,700,377$69,123.2040%
Social Caseworker II264$10,867,031$41,163.00233$13,280,321$56,997.1038.5%

Now, over the years, the total FTEs have gone up and down for some of these positions, but in most cases, the payroll costs to employ fewer workers have gone up. With this un-scientific sample, the average payroll cost of one position went down (negligibly), while the rest went up. And of those, 3 of the 4 saw increases closer to 40%.
It can be concluded that most of the (few) lost jobs occurred at the front-lines (the Social Caseworker II is a case in point) and it is no wonder that these workers–who deal day-to-day with society’s hard-cases–feel like they’re doing more than before. But they’re certainly not doing it for less and their annual compensation has increased, generally speaking, on par or better than that of the DCYF administrators and managers.
I guess the question is this: would these employees–or their unions–be willing to sacrifice a portion of their “traditional” salary and benefit increases so that more people could be hired to help with the caseloads? Maybe tying state salary increases to cost-of-living increases or inflation would help. And, for sure, the benefits packages need to be overhauled. If only.
In summary, DCYF has very real problems, but these are rooted in the same structural inefficiencies that are affecting the entire State Government. Until these inherent structural problems–over-generous increases in both salary and benefit packages and much-needed administrative consolidation to name a couple– are fixed, we will continue to shortchange both the end-user of government services and the people whose taxes pay for them.
I don’t intend to demean or belittle the workers in the State’s DCYF. They are harried and hassled and most still do their best to care for their charges. But there is only so much money that can be thrown their way. Unless something is done, the cost to employ them will continue to go up even as fewer of them perform more work. And no matter their heroics, there is only so much time in the day.
There can be no doubt that we need to fix these structural problems for the health of our government and State. We need to make the cost of employing all state workers cheaper, thus enabling the State to employ more of them to provide adequate services. But fixing our “structural problems” needs to be done for more than the well-being of the state. As the ongoing problems at DCYF illustrate, we need to do it to help our most vulnerable kids. They’re our future, one way or another.
SOURCES: 2001 RI Budget Personnel Supplement; 2007 DCYF Personnel Budget Supplement; 2008 DCYF Personnel Budget Supplement

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Truth: An Antidote to Sicko

By Justin Katz | June 29, 2007 |
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Having watched Michael Moore’s latest bit of propaganda — Sicko, about the evil of American healthcare in comparison to saintly socialism — a bit more closely than is probably healthy, David Gratzer felt compelled to offer another view:

Consider, for instance, Mr. Moore’s claim that ERs don’t overcrowd in Canada. A Canadian government study recently found that only about half of patients are treated in a timely manner, as defined by local medical and hospital associations. “The research merely confirms anecdotal reports of interminable waits,” reported a national newspaper. While people in rural areas seem to fare better, Toronto patients receive care in four hours on average; one in 10 patients waits more than a dozen hours.
This problem hit close to home last year: A relative, living in Winnipeg, nearly died of a strangulated bowel while lying on a stretcher for five hours, writhing in pain. To get the needed ultrasound, he was sent by ambulance to another hospital.
In Britain, the Department of Health recently acknowledged that one in eight patients wait more than a year for surgery. Around the time Mr. Moore was putting the finishing touches on his documentary, a hospital in Sutton Coldfield announced its new money-saving linen policy: Housekeeping will no longer change the bed sheets between patients, just turn them over. France’s system failed so spectacularly in the summer heat of 2003 that 13,000 people died, largely of dehydration. Hospitals stopped answering the phones and ambulance attendants told people to fend for themselves.

No wonder, Gratzer observes, single-payer systems worldwide are beginning to make way for private healthcare, even as Western dead-enders push for the only fair system — one in which the wealthy can travel great distances and pay high prices for rapid service while the average shmoe is forced into compliance with Darwin’s prescription.
Sheesh! What do we plebs think “privilege” means?

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A Rooftop Doggycar to the White House

By Justin Katz | June 28, 2007 |
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There can’t be any serious dispute that this is, well, odd:

Before beginning the [twelve-hour] drive, Mitt Romney put Seamus, the family’s hulking Irish setter, in a dog carrier and attached it to the station wagon’s roof rack. He’d built a windshield for the carrier, to make the ride more comfortable for the dog.
Then Romney put his boys on notice: He would be making predetermined stops for gas, and that was it.
The ride was largely what you’d expect with five brothers, ages 13 and under, packed into a wagon they called the ”white whale.”
As the oldest son, Tagg Romney commandeered the way-back of the wagon, keeping his eyes fixed out the rear window, where he glimpsed the first sign of trouble. ”Dad!” he yelled. ”Gross!” A brown liquid was dripping down the back window, payback from an Irish setter who’d been riding on the roof in the wind for hours.
As the rest of the boys joined in the howls of disgust, Romney coolly pulled off the highway and into a service station. There, he borrowed a hose, washed down Seamus and the car, then hopped back onto the highway. It was a tiny preview of a trait he would grow famous for in business: emotion-free crisis management.

However, although one shouldn’t presume to hold Ana Marie Cox to standards of fairness or, really, journalism, it’s conspicuous that her mention of the incident fails to note for Time readers the custom-built doggy windshield or to clarify that the excrement release appears to have occurred only once during the entire trip. Whatever the case, any dog-owner with presidential ambitions would probably do well to ensure that his or her pet has prime seating on long car trips, preferably with access to a window through which to stick its head.

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A Firsthand Report on the President’s Visit

By Carroll Andrew Morse | June 28, 2007 |
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Will Ricci, East Providence Republican City Committee Treasurer, National Federation of Republican Assemblies Regional Vice-President, and most importantly, frequent Anchor Rising commenter was able to attend today’s Presidential visit to the Naval War College in Newport. Will sends along his impressions, observations, and a photograph from the event…


Will Ricci: I had the opportunity to attend the President’s address at the Naval War College earlier today as a guest of the Governor, with a handful of other local Republicans. The audience was heavily populated with Navy officers, with a great many guests from other countries. I was seated less than 50 feet away (about ten rows) directly in front of the President’s podium. The program began a little late at about 11:15 am.
There was a funny moment right at the beginning, when the unseen announcer said, “Please welcome the President… of the Naval War College, Rear Adm. Jacob Shuford”. Everyone broke out in laughter. The admiral made some brief remarks and then quickly introduced the President, who then appeared on stage with Gov. Carcieri to the sounds of Hail to the Chief. After a long standing ovation, everyone was seated. Gov. Carcieri then delivered some welcoming remarks behind the Presidential podium (he looked comfortable there), and then the President dove right into his speech.
The speech was heavily focused on terrorism, with an emphasis on what’s going on in Iraq right now. Much of it had to do with sharing information that the mainstream media doesn’t like to cover, such as that we’re winning! I won’t go heavily into the substance of the speech, as I assume the local media will cover that ad infinitum. The President showed some very interesting maps and diagrams on the monitors behind him demonstrating the progress that we’ve made, both before and during the surge. All I can tell you is that he had the audience at his full attention for the entire speech, which lasted about an hour, and that he covered a considerable amount of detail. He was not using a teleprompter, and used his notes only sparingly. It made me feel pretty good that he had such a clear understanding of what is at stake in Iraq and elsewhere. He didn’t make any gaffes or other “Bushisms.” He came off as human, genuine, and very engaged.
After the speech ended, I think he surprised everyone by asking the audience for questions. They weren’t planted questions. He stayed for about another 15 minutes or so and answered all sorts of questions ranging from relations with Great Britain and Columbia, to ongoing diplomatic efforts with North Korea, and the use of naval forces around the world in the future. He made an effort to single out Venezuela and Cuba as places of interest in this hemisphere, and made a comment which I think the media might pick up on regarding Fidel Castro. I believe it started with “when the Lord calls Fidel … away” (not home). It got a few approving nods.
PS As for protestors, unless they were hiding, there were virtually none. We saw ONE protestor at the main gate coming in, and I believe three outside when we left. It was paltry in any case.

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