Between J. Sanchez and the Deep J.G.

By Justin Katz | November 12, 2006 |
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Perhaps I’m particularly attuned to such discussions because the past few months have brought an increase in Rhode Island progressives’ declarations that their goals are evolutionary inevitabilities, but I can’t get the ring of their proclamations out of my ear when listening to somewhat rightish rationalists. Take the following from Julian Sanchez:

[Jonah Goldberg] mocks the idea of a “serious political movement” founded on the slogan “We’re not sure!” But I think this misapprehends one paradoxical aspect of the relationship between doubt and confidence. I know, for example, that science proceeds haltingly, that its conclusions are always open to revision, and indeed, that many of the scientific beliefs of the past have been either rejected or developed to accommodate new facts. And this is precisely why I can be so confident in the scientific enterprise in the aggregate: Because I know there are scores of intelligent and skeptical researchers constantly testing and refining its conclusions. I can be fanatical in my defense of liberal societies, not because (like Islamists) I’m sure they have discovered the One Best Way of Life, but because they embody a process that allows fallible people to seek continual improvement.

The language introduces a bit of muddled expression that is, I think, intended (even if it is not deliberate). Sanchez is confident that science will construct an increasingly correct understanding of the physical world, because its process encourages healthy doubt about any particular finding. Whether or not Sanchez would agree with it, translation of this analogy into the terms of (classically) liberal societies would render thus: Because such societies permit doubt about any particular point of view, they will construct an increasingly correct understanding of the moral world. The “One Best Way of Life” remains implied, if only as an ideal toward which to strive.
That this conflicts with his belief that self-doubting societies can remain strong is emphasized by Sanchez’s omission of certain analogical terms on the social side. Those “intelligent and skeptical researchers” are seeking to improve science; what are the “fallible people” seeking to improve? My guess is that Sanchez would insert “themselves,” rather than “society.”
Science, by its nature, offers the objective metric of ability to explain phenomena. In contrast, the criteria by which we measure progress or deterioration of society and culture are the very things that such as Sanchez would insist remain open to doubt.
Without stating what it is, Sanchez joins the Rhode Island progressives, it seems to me, in seeing his own version of the One Best Way of Life as inevitable. Would he truly remain “fanatical in [his] defense of liberal societies” if their continual improvement appeared to be heading toward, say, Catholic sexual ethics? I suspect he’d be inclined to deny their status as “liberal societies,” even if they continued to embody the very same process.
Cultural processes and criteria also have implications for the part of Goldberg’s response to Sanchez that uses same-sex marriage as an example:

I’m not a passionate opponent to gay marriage — as some close readers have gleened over the years. I favor civil unions and it’s my guess that gay marriage is ultimately inevitable. And yet, I still oppose it. Why? Truth be told, my primary — but not sole — objection isn’t religious. Rather, it’s that, unlike some relevant advocates of same-sex marriage, I am humble and skeptical about the extent of what I can know. I work from the Hayekian assumption that there is a vast amount of social-evolutionary knowledge and utility embedded in traditional marriage that should be respected even if I cannot tell you what it is. … there are some things about which we can’t know all the facts right now. Most social policy failures — and disasters — arise from people working on the assumption that they have all the necessary data at hand. This remains the enduring folly of Progressives who believe they have all the facts they need to redraw the face of society. … In short, my objection to gay marriage isn’t primarily principled in the sense that my objection really has nothing to do with my attitudes toward homosexuality per se. It has to do with my views toward the pace of change itself. Gay marriage is a very, very, new idea. My view/hunch is that implementing it too quickly is a bad idea (for all sorts of obvious and unobvious reasons). More social “evolution” is required. … And, who knows? After a generation of study, comtemplation and debate we may discover that it really is a bad idea after all. Or it may just seem obvious that gays should have been married all along.

I’ve little doubt that I’m failing to observe something that Goldberg actually does intend to say, but his vision of the nature of tradition’s unknowables strikes me as prone to ambiguity. If his claim really is that we can’t know the “social-evolutionary knowledge and utility” of traditional marriage “right now,” but could, through “study, comtemplation and debate,” in a generation, then same-sex marriage proponents would be somewhat justified in noting that they can’t prove a negative (“will not have undesirable consequences”) and dragging out the clock until the deadline for data submissions has passed. Indeed, they’d have some grounds for claiming that we won’t have any new data that hasn’t already been discussed until we’ve allowed same-sex marriage to enter into the society.
In truth, we can’t ever know all of the cultural learning embedded in tradition, and relatedly, its application to modern questions has more to do with sense than with intellect. Regardless of what we, the research-inclined, have been arguing over the past decade, people in this country still can and do conclude that same-sex marriage, as it is being requested right now, should not be grafted onto traditional marriage, as it is understood right now. Some of us can formulate arguments as to why that is or is not a shrewd conclusion, and we all can push and pull marriage toward our preferred understandings. But what time and deference to tradition will shake out are our individual emotions, short-term objectives, and political stratagems.
If same-sex marriage does look more plausible in the light of the midcentury, it will be because marriage and the homosexual subculture will have moved toward each other. That could be good, bad, or a mix of both. If marriage progresses further toward status solely as an institutional contract between adults, without reference to the children whom they may have, that would be bad. If homosexuals increase the degree to which their relationships uphold the ideal assumed in traditional marriage, then that would be good. But over time, and under the specter of tradition, those whose motives are ulterior would either change or seek other methods of acheiving their ends.
That is how fallible people ought to seek continual improvement of the society that they build for themselves — with due understanding that both claims of inevitability and claims of processes’ inherent virtue too often mask a desire to codify import that we fear to be fleeting.

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Senator Chafee: The Gift That Keeps on Giving

By Donald B. Hawthorne | November 11, 2006 |
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I previously wrote about the policy reasons behind my decision not to vote for either Chafee or Whitehouse in this week’s U.S. Senate race.
Then there was the word that Chafee might not stay a Republican after all.
Now comes the re-affirmation that Chafee will indeed continue to block the nomination of John Bolton:

Sen. Lincoln Chafee, R-R.I., who was defeated by Democrat Sheldon
Whitehouse on Tuesday, told reporters in Rhode Island that he would
continue opposing Bolton. That would likely deny Republicans the votes
needed to move Bolton’s nomination from the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee to the full Senate.
“The American people have spoken out against the president’s agenda on a
number of fronts, and presumably one of those is on foreign policy,” Chafee
said. “And at this late stage in my term, I’m not going to endorse
something the American people have spoke out against.”…

And how much did the Republican establishment spend on this Senator? For what end?
John Podhoretz, writing over at The Corner, writes about a New York Times article on the U.N. ambassador position:

Who has made it impossible for John Bolton to be confirmed by the Senate?
Lincoln Chafee. Who has recently said he may not remain a Republican
notwithstanding the millions upon millions of dollars spent by the
Republican party to retain his seat? Lincoln Chafee. Who, therefore, in the
delusional estimation of a New York Times reporter, might be John Bolton’s
replacement at the U.N.? Lincoln Chafee! “Names that have been floated both
inside and outside the administration,” writes reporter Helene Cooper in a
risible piece today, “include Zalmay Khalilzad, the American ambassador to
Iraq; Philip D. Zelikow, the State Department counselor; Paula Dobriansky,
under secretary of state for democracy and global affairs; and even Mr.
Chafee.”

Left-wing editorializing masquerading as a news article – yet another example of the high standards at the NY Times.
Isn’t it interesting how the definition of compromise post-election has been defined by the Left as capitulation on matters of principle?
One of the reason some of us are pleased that the Democrats now control the Congress is that they are now heavily accountable for American public policies in the next two years going into the 2008 elections. We will now get to see what they are really made up of. Simplistic knee-jerk negative reactions to President Bush will no longer cut it.

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Remember

By Marc Comtois | November 11, 2006 |
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ProJo’s “Editorial Mystery” Solved

By Marc Comtois | November 11, 2006 |
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I posted before about the questions that Ian Donnis was asking regarding the mysterious non-publishing of an editorial by the ProJo in which they attempt to justify endorsing”Yes on 1.” (For posterity, I also included the text of the online only editorial). Now it appears as if there was no need. This morning’s (Saturday) Op-Ed page contains the piece, titled “Editorial Mysteries.” Indeed, it has been a mystery! Why did the editorial vanish? Why publish it now, so late after the election (on a Saturday, no less)? What could have possibly changed their mind? Regardless, my original problems with the piece still stand.

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Guess What We Forgot?

By Marc Comtois | November 10, 2006 |
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With all of the election hoopla, none of us Anchor Rising contributors thought to remember that November 7 was the two-year anniversary of this blog. In the past year, I think that we’ve managed to pull at least a couple links of the ol’ anchor chain out of the water. At the very least, our anchor weighing has caused at least a few ripples here and there (for example).
I believe that we have proven ourselves to be intellectually honest and responsible while advocating for conservatism in the arena of ideas. This has lent us a degree of credibility with other media outlets and, in turn, the increased exposure they have offered has allowed us to broadcast a conservative viewpoint to the broader public. Hopefully, we’ve opened some minds along the way.
But enough of the self-congratulation. The anchor still needs to be weighed. So let’s get back to manning the windlass and keep cranking.

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Rebuilding the RI GOP Part I: Forming a Political Philosophy

By Marc Comtois | November 10, 2006 |
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I think an important distinction needs to be made in this discussion about re-invigorating the Rhode Island Republican Party by “defining conservatism.’ The attempt to excise the social aspects from the holistic definition of conservatism–essentially smaller government and traditional morality–indicates that it’s not conservatism that is being defined so much as Rhode Island Republicanism. The strong on defense, small-government, low taxes, but mum-on-morality positioning sounds similar to Giuliani-style Republicanism to me. This is probably a pragmatic approach for a Northeastern state’s Republican party to take, but let’s not treat social conservatism as some sort of pariah.
Social conservatives realize that they can only be a part of the coalition that makes up the RIGOP. However, they also deserve to be treated with respect. Statements by RIGOP “moderates”–as when Sen. Chafee called them “radical right wingers”–don’t help matters. Justin has explained–much more eloquently than I could–that socially conservative beliefs are sincerely held and are “above” politics. Nonetheless, in the political sphere, moderates and libertarians within the RI GOP can expect social conservatives to compromise to achieve certain political goals. But “Compromise Avenue” isn’t a one-way street.
I think that Justin has correctly delineated the three groups that will make up the future RI GOP: conservatives, libertarians and moderates. Now, I have a pretty good idea where the average conservative is going to stand on most issues (small government, low taxes, traditional morality). I also think I have a good handle on what the average libertarian believes (small government, low taxes and “stay out of my bedroom”). I can’t say the same about moderates. For now, I’ll take my cue from Senator Chafee, a self-described moderate Republican, who stated yesterday that a he “care[d] about fiscal responsibility, environmental stewardship, aversion to foreign entanglements, personal liberties. This is the Republican Party that I represent.”
It’s obvious that there is some common ground to be found and I think that we can agree with the fiscal/small government policy that Jon Scott outlined:

1. I believe in low taxes
2. I believe in small government
3. I believe in a strong national defense (to include secure borders).

I agree that these can form the central pillar on which the RI GOP should try to rebuild. Yet, these are only goals: there is still disagreement on how to achieve them. For instance, I believe that most conservatives and libertarians would prioritize tax cuts, while most moderates prefer budget balancing before tax-cutting. I don’t think it’s a major stumbling block, though, and a coherent fiscal policy could be established that would be germane to future RIGOP candidates for both state and national offices.
Foreign policy questions are usually reserved for candidates for national offices. (This year was different: until now, I hadn’t realized that the Governor had so much to do with the Iraq War). Standing for a strong national defense seems to be a no-brainer, but there is some difference of opinion just amongst conservatives as to what that means. Stay at home more–�essentially a defensive posture–or project power (ie; get them over there before they come here)? And what to make of the moderate position staked out by Senator Chafee that we should have an “aversion to foreign entanglements�” It sounds very Founding Father-ish, but I think that even many moderates would agree that this is not a practical approach in today’s troubling world.
I don’t think that there is much disagreement over the concept of strengthening our borders, but there are differing viewpoints over how to address the fundamental reason for why we need to do so, namely illegal immigration.
Senator Chafee mentioned environmental stewardship and this is an area in which the GOP, both nationally and at the state level, has allowed their political opponents to negatively define them. In our jam-packed state, fighting for open space, keeping the bay clean by improving city sewage systems, etc. are worthwhile and popular causes to embrace. Addressing environmental concerns go directly to quality of life issues and even have an economic development component. A sound environmental policy can explain how the RI GOP is just as “green” as most Rhode Islanders. It’s our water and air, too.
These are all part of an overriding philosophy of government that the RI GOP should then tailor to our specific political environment. That doesn’t mean sacrificing principles, but it does mean recognizing which issues should be emphasized. And the one issue that overrides all other is the business-as-usual approach in State Government.
Corruption is part of the problem, but lack of accountability and legislating behind closed doors (ie; open-government issues) are also viable areas for the RI GOP to address. It hasn’t been for a lack of trying, though. Rhode Islanders seem to recognize that something is wrong with their state government, but they continue to enable the same Democrat leaders who perpetuate the problem by re-electing their own particular Democrat to the legislature. As it has been observed before, most Rhode Islanders simply think “my guy is OK” and it’s the “other guys” who are the bad actors. Changing that attitude is the job that the RI GOP needs to undertake before it will ever make meaningful political progress in this state.
Trying to determine what it means to be a Rhode Island Republican is a worthwhile exercise. But unless the RI GOP can find attractive candidates to espouse these viable alternatives, the policy prescriptions concocted by us armchair philosophers and policy-wonks will be all for naught. Finding a coherent RIGOP philosophy is but one part of the problem. And it’s the easy part. The RIGOP must realize that a party built for longevity is built from the bottom up, not the top down. The tough part will be finding and funding the right folks to run against the Democrat monopoly across the entire political spectrum. But more on that later.

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It’s Frighteningly Telling…

By Justin Katz | November 10, 2006 |
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… that Brown University professor emeritus of psychology, medical science, and human development Lewis Lipsitt doesn’t offer one single example of what he means by “learning processes and socialization on a grand scale [that] will ensure human survival.”

The same intelligence that brought us here must now be used to reverse aggressive assaults and promote opportunities for collaborative peace-making. …
FDR’s emphasis on science suggests that had he lived there might have been another Manhattan Project, addressing human relationships and the learning processes required to control international aggression. We have the choice to use, or not use, behavior science benevolently. …
Such an effort is now required, even more than in FDR’s time, to study how to abort and abate the violent behavior so prevalent in the modern world. Today, only a full-throttle commitment and large-scale investment in the study of the behavior of aggression will provide a level playing field for the terrorized people of the world.

So what rights will society claim when it comes to handling those who don’t consent to this benevolent socialization? And why do I get the feeling that Lipsitt intends a very broad meaning of “terrorized people”? I’m sure the category of terroristic behavior will not drift toward a secular liberal fantasy of social engineering one bit. Yeah, right.

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Liberals Must Have Invented the Internet

By Justin Katz | November 9, 2006 |
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Just to let folks know: I’m having issues with my email and am not receiving all messages sent my way. (Correspondents may or may not receive an error message saying that my emailbox is full.) I’m workin’ on it, but it’s always difficult to overcome these liberal conspiracies.
If ever anybody is rebuffed by my usual email account and/or is sending something of particular importance, please feel free to include “justindkatz@yahoo.com” as a carbon copy. If you’ve sent anything over the past few days, it mightn’t be a bad idea to resend it to that address.

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Will Speaker-Elect Pelosi Pursue Victory in the War on Terror?

By Carroll Andrew Morse | November 9, 2006 |
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The op-ed from today’s OpinionJournal hopes for bipartisanship between the President and the new Congress in their approach to the War on Terror…

The biggest question mark, and responsibility, for Democrats is on Iraq and the war on terror. They could do themselves and the country much good by working with Mr. Bush on a strategy toward achieving victory in Iraq as well as against al Qaeda.
However, contrary to the hopes of the Wall Street Journal, soon-to-be Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi has already stated that the does not believe that victory should be pursued in Iraq. ABC’s Terry Moran asked Speaker-elect Pelosi about this on last night’s Nightline
Terry Moran: So withdrawal [from Iraq] would be a victory?
Representative Nancy Pelsoi: It’s not a question of victory. It is a question of how we bring a solution to what is in Iraq. Victory has become a diminished option under the policies of President Bush and the implementation of those policies.
Admittedly, this answer isn’t very coherent (what exactly is a “diminished option”?) but what is clear is that Congresswoman Pelosi is signaling the she and her party are resigned to something less than defeating the enemy in Iraq.
To be fair, Congresswoman Pelosi and like-minded liberals aren’t the only ones who think that a meaningful victory in Iraq may now be impossible. However, the Congresswoman’s answer to a prior question by Moran suggests the possibility that the Pelosi Democrats may believe that victory is impossible anywhere in the War on Terror…
TM: You say its time to end the war in Iraq. What if the other side, the enemies of the United States don’t want it to end? Isn’t ending a war when the other side is still fighting it cutting and running?
NP: No it isn’t at all. Our presence in Iraq has been provocative to our enemies. It is viewed as an occupation, and is resisted not only by Iraqis but others in the region, and those troublemakers, few and number but nonetheless a menace would probably leave Iraq when we left Iraq. They’re there because we’re there.
This is the blame-America-first answer that assumes that the United States is always the source of the problem, and the the US most effectively responds to conflict by finding the most violent, most anti-American group involved, figuring out what they want, and giving it to them. What Democrats seem to fail to understand (but Terry Moran, to his credit, does) is that you can never rid yourself of a violent enemy if your only answer is appeasement.
The question is whether walking away is the Democrats position towards only Iraq, or if it is their total strategy for dealing with violent Islamic radicalism. The fear is that Speaker-elect Pelosi’s ideas represent the mainstram Democratic beliefs on dealing with conflict, and that there is nothing to discourage fringe groups anywhere from using violence to get what they want from the United States?

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The Purge of 2006?

By Justin Katz | November 8, 2006 |
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Perhaps it’s needless to say that I disagree with commenter Anthony’s assessment, offered in a comment to a recent post by Marc:

I think this election will force incumbent Republicans to move left, just as the Democrats were forced to put up more conservative candidates after years of unsuccessful attempts to elect left-wingers.

The central flaw of this view, as I see it, is that it sees politics mainly in terms of degree of extremity — as if neither party aligns better with the American people’s beliefs on general principle. It leaves no room for the possibility that Americans prefer conservative policies to liberal ones. It’s not as if voters rebuffed a slate of rabid right-wing Republicans; they rebuffed Republicans, period, including moderates. Anthony continues in a subsequent comment:

In this election, I think the conservatives blew it. The ‘conservative’ GOP Congressional leadership took on the same attributes as the Democrats–overspending and a bureaucratic approach to governing. At the same time, conservatives attacked GOP moderates instead of Democrats submarining them in vulnerable districts.
While GOP moderates were attacked from within, the Democrats were recruiting moderate Democrats to run and win districts that had been drawn by Republicans during redistricting to lean Repbulican.
Conservatives should have been focusing in on bringing “conservative” leaders back into line, not helping to elect Democrats.

The narrative simply makes no sense: Republicans did not govern according to conservative principles, so Democrats moved right, and conservatives targeted moderates, so Republicans will… move left? Belief in that strange scenario of inverse consequences is not, at least, the sense I’m getting from what I’ve read about Republican officials’ reactions to their party’s loss.
I guess we’ll just have to wait and see, but if Republicans do move to shore up their base, then I’d suggest that, pace Anthony, conservatives will have been successful at “bringing ‘conservative’ leaders back into line” by means of this election.

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