Cranston Mayor Steve Laffey has a big announcement planned for tommorrow. Here’s the announcement of the announcement, from a flier sent around by the Mayor…
Mayor Stephen P. Laffey has a really BIG announcement to make. Repeat: Really “BIG” Laffey announcement. And he wants YOU to hear it!Perhaps Mayor Laffey has learned what’s inside of the hatch on Lost. Can anyone think of other possibilities? For those interested in attending, here are the particulars…
September 8, 2005. 5:15 Doors open. 6:00 PM (sharp!) Mayor’s announcement. Knights of Columbus Hall, 1047 Park Ave., Cranston.[Open full post]
I explain why in my current TechCentralStation column.
[Open full post]President Bush made his way to Louisiana and surrounding states to view the devastation firsthand, but many are questioning why it didn’t happen earlier. Why did the President fly by on Wednesday, but not actually tour the leveled cities?
That is a sound question, and whether we’re Republicans, Democrats, or anything else, we expect our President to bring strength and hope in horrific situations. Liberals chomped at the bit after Katrina, waiting with bated breath as they looked to expose the President as uncaring, aloof, and on vacation. Many Web sites published photos of the President playing a guitar the day after the hurricane — not noting the context, but who cares about minor details like that when the desire is to spin, manipulate, and self-propagate?
The fact remains, however, that the relief effort just wasn’t getting the job done. People were hungry, dying, getting shot at, and in many cases being raped. Can you imagine being a young woman who had just lost her husband, trying to keep your children as more than memories from the past? And then you walk into a putrid bathroom only to have some thugs try to play spin the bottle with your exhausted body. Unfortunately, there were such women, and authorities just didn’t have the manpower to do anything about it. Begin the blame game…
Democrats blamed the President, the mayor of New Orleans blamed everybody and succinctly stated that all who could help should “get your a** over here,” and even Republicans took shots at FEMA and the Department of Homeland Security. So whose fault is it?
At this point it doesn’t matter, in my opinion. When people are able to get a meal, a shower, and some rest, then we can talk about where to cast blame. To be clear, someone must be held accountable for this mess. If 9/11 showed us what can go right with emergency services, Katrina is showing us what can go terribly wrong. But before we start throwing stones, let’s make sure we don’t forget the tens of thousands of lives forever altered by Hurricane Katrina.
My latest FactIs column, “When Plan B Becomes Plan A,” suggests that something is awry when a drug that requires a prescription for low concentrations is on track for over-the-counter status in higher concentrations. Of course, Plan B is a “birth control” pill; such does sex — and the consequences thereof — skew Western minds.
[Open full post]It is impossible to know right now what is true in the Able Danger story. With that in mind, Power Line has this interesting posting that highlights potential issues we should keep in mind as we watch events unfold on this story.
The China story is not a new one; here is a previous posting, which has additional links at the bottom to other postings. The recent joint Russian-Chinese military war games only reinforce some of the points in those postings.
Nor is the Clinton Administration’s connection to illicit behaviors by Chinese Communists a new story. As I wrote in this posting:
We cannot forget that the real price America is likely to pay for the Clinton-Gore years will not be from inappropriate sexual dalliances, but from that administration’s peculiar dealings with China, which Bill Gertz outlines in his 2001 book entitled Betrayal: How the Clinton Administration Undermined American Security. Character does matter in the end.
In addition to the inappropriate transfer of technology to China during the Clinton administration, do not forget that over 120 people either exercised Fifth Amendment rights or fled the country when asked to testify under oath about highly questionnable Chinese foreign money contributions to the Clinton-Gore campaign.
So character does matter in the end and Bill Clinton is Exhibit #1. He showed empirically that the underlying unethical habits that led him to conduct dishonorable behaviors in private did carry over into some important public behaviors as President.
At TechCentralStation, I have an article giving some background on how the death of Southern Sudan’s long-time leader John Garang is likely to effect the situation there.
[Open full post]This posting continues a conversation begun with the previous posting entitled Religious Without Being Morally Serious Vs. Morally Serious Without Being Religious.
Rather than the canard of there being some remnant trying to establish a theocracy in America, I would suggest there is a different dynamic going on. The culture war led by the secular left fundamentalists has accomplished one thing among the religious right that has not happened as significantly in past years: It has united the religious right around certain core moral principles, even though sub-groups of the religious right still – and will always likely – disagree on specific theological positions.
This trend is a potentially profound development. One of the common weaknesses of highly religious people (of both the secular left and religious right) is that they can speak in strident ways that do not seek or place value on developing a broadly held consensus based on some underlying common ground. The idea now that Jews, Roman Catholics and Evangelical Protestants could come together in a reasonably unified position about major moral issues is a significant development.
Most importantly, as Pope Benedict XVI recently stated, none of these groups is being asked to give up their particular religious beliefs. And that means that these groups are learning to use language that identifies a shared core of moral principles but expresses that core in ways that appeal to others outside their specific religious tradition. That represents the true meaning of tolerance, as George Weigel wrote in describing the relevancy of Pope John Paul II’s teachings:
That is why John Paul relentlessly preached genuine tolerance: not the tolerance of indifference, as if differences over the good didn’t matter, but the real tolerance of differences engaged, explored, and debated within the bond of a profound respect for the humanity of the other. Many were puzzled that this Pope, so vigorous in defending the truths of Catholic faith, could become, over a quarter-century, the world’s premier icon of religious freedom and inter-religious civility. But here, too, John Paul II was teaching a crucial lesson about the future of freedom: Universal empathy comes through, not around, particular convictions.
In a separate article, Weigel elaborated on the connection between moral truth and freedom:
…freedom detached from moral truth – the “freedom of indifference” that dominated the high culture of the triumphant West – [is] inevitably self-cannibalizing.
Freedom untethered from truth is freedom’s worst enemy. For if there is only your truth and my truth, and neither one of us recognizes a transcendent moral standard (call it “the truth”) by which to adjudicate our differences, then the only way to settle the argument is for you to impose your power on me, or for me to impose my power on you.
Freedom untethered from truth leads to chaos; chaos leads to anarchy; and since human beings cannot tolerate anarchy, tyranny as the answer to the human imperative of order is just around the corner. The false humanism of the freedom of indifference leads first to freedom’s decay, and then to freedom’s demise…
It is the practice of genuine tolerance among the religious traditions that represents a profound development. It also begins to return us to principles articulated by our country’s Founders, few of whom would be classified as religious fanatics but many of whom commented frequently on the importance of morality and religion in public life.
For example, John Adams offered these comments on the importance of morality & religion:
We have no government armed with the power capable of contending with human passions, unbridled by morality and true religion. Our Constitution is made only for a moral and religious people. It is wholly inadequate to the government of any other…
Statesmen, my dear Sir, may plan and speculate for liberty, but it is religion and morality alone, which can establish the principles upon which freedom can securely stand. The only foundation of a free Constitution is pure virtue, and if this cannot be inspired into our People in a greater Measure than they have it now, they may change their rulers and the forms of government, but they will not obtain a lasting liberty.
George Washington made these famous comments in his Farewell Address:
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness — these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
Adam’s and Washington’s points are elaborated on further from additional sources in a July 4 posting entitled Happy Birthday, America! where the moral uniqueness of the American proposition is highlighted.
Why does this matter? Because there are long-term adverse consequences to the overt displays of contempt toward reasoned moral perspectives playing an important role in the public debate.
Reflect on what lessons we are teaching our children about moral seriousness when the quality of the public debate about important moral issues and their formal instruction on moral thought are shallow – or worse. Joseph Knippenberg comments on the importance of teaching students to think more deeply about such matters in a posting entitled To Nurture Greater Ethical Awareness, Students Need Practice in Moral Discernment:
Let me state this…in both secular and religious ways.
The secular way of putting is that…philosophy is indeed necessary, not in order logically to derive moral principles, but rather to defend them against relativist and nihilist doubts. Aristotle himself works within a moral horizon, offering the most systematic possible account of gentlemanly virtue, but not deducing it from non-moral first principles. A latter-day Aristotelian can offer a defense of sound common sense against the inventions of theory.
From a religious point of view, the college and university experience can help students become more articulate and thoughtful defenders of their faith, open to the larger world, but not vulnerable and defenseless in the face of its challenges.
…the two things most needful for ethics in higher education are religion and philosophy…
Rather than the ridiculous argument that such training is all part of an attempt to turn America into a theocracy, some of us would posit that our children cannot grow into responsible adults without some appreciation for and understanding of universal moral principles, discoverable either through faith or reason or both.
There are equally serious long-term adverse consequences to the overt displays of contempt toward the importance of knowing history, including the Founding Principles of our American tradition.
And that leads naturally into how we teach history to our children, a subject discussed in a posting entitled We Are Paying Quite a Price for Our Historical Ignorance, which included these words:
Our schools teach history ideologically. They teach the message, not the truth…They are propaganda machines….Ignorance of history destroys our judgment…To forget your own history is (literally) to forget your identity. By teaching ideology instead of facts, our schools are erasing the nation’s collective memory…There is an ongoing culture war between Americans who are ashamed of this nation’s history and those who acknowledge with sorrow its many sins and are fiercely proud of it anyway…If you are proud of this country and don’t want its identity to vanish, you must teach U.S. history to your children. They won’t learn it in school. This nation’s memory will go blank unless you act.
We have a moral obligation to teach our children well, to give them the tools necessary to live exemplary lives as free men and women. And that means equipping them with both knowledge of history and sufficient skills at moral discernment. Some of the secular left call such training a pathway toward theocracy. The rest of us call it historically-informed common sense.
[Open full post]The Wall Street Journal’s Best of the Web nails this story about Pat Robertson:
Since we’ve defended the “religious right,” we suppose we’d better say a word about Pat Robertson’s latest foolishness, as reported by the Associated Press:
Religious broadcaster Pat Robertson called on Monday for the assassination of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, calling him a “terrific danger” to the United States. . . .
“You know, I don’t know about this doctrine of assassination, but if he thinks we’re trying to assassinate him, I think that we really ought to go ahead and do it,” Robertson said. “It’s a whole lot cheaper than starting a war . . . and I don’t think any oil shipments will stop.” . . .
“We have the ability to take him out, and I think the time has come that we exercise that ability,” Robertson said.
“We don’t need another $200 billion war to get rid of one, you know, strong-arm dictator,” he continued. “It’s a whole lot easier to have some of the covert operatives do the job and then get it over with.”
We agree that Chavez is a menace, but give us a break. Religious conservatives argue (to take an example) that embryonic stem-cell research is wrong because the sanctity of nascent life is absolute and thus outweighs any possible benefits. But Robertson is willing to countenance assassination because it is “easier” and “cheaper” than other ways of bringing about a desired outcome? It goes to show that one can be religious without being morally serious.
Mr. Robertson is indeed lacking in moral seriousness. Shame on him for talking so loosely and inappropriately.
On the other hand, James Taranto’s editorial referenced above and entitled Why I’m Rooting for the Religious Right: Secular liberals show open contempt for traditionalists is a morally serious communication and worthy of further highlighting:
[Open full post]I am not a Christian, or even a religious believer, and my opinions on social issues are decidedly middle-of-the-road. So why do I find myself rooting for the “religious right”? I suppose it is because I am put off by self-righteousness, closed-mindedness, and contempt for democracy and pluralism–all of which characterize the opposition to the religious right.
One can disagree with religious conservatives on abortion, gay rights, school prayer, creationism and any number of other issues, and still recognize that they have good reason to feel disfranchised. This isn’t the same as the oft-heard complaint of “anti-Christian bigotry,” which is at best imprecise, since American Christians are all over the map politically. But those who hold traditionalist views have been shut out of the democratic process by a series of court decisions that, based on constitutional reasoning ranging from plausible to ludicrous, declared the preferred policies of the secular left the law of the land.
For the most part, the religious right has responded in good civic-minded fashion: by organizing, becoming politically active, and supporting like-minded candidates. This has required exquisite discipline and patience, since changing court-imposed policies entails first changing the courts, a process that can take decades…
In the past three elections, the religious right has helped to elect a conservative Republican president and a bigger, and increasingly conservative, Republican Senate majority. This should make it possible to move the courts in a conservative direction. But Senate Democrats, taking their cue from liberal interest groups, have responded by subverting the democratic process, using the filibuster to impose an unprecedented supermajority requirement on the confirmation of judges.
That’s what prompted Christian conservatives to organize “Justice Sunday,” last month’s antifilibuster rally, at a church in Kentucky. After following long-established rules for at least a quarter-century, they can hardly be faulted for objecting when their opponents answer their success by effectively changing those rules.
This procedural high-handedness is of a piece with the arrogant attitude the secular left takes toward the religious right. Last week a Boston Globe columnist wrote that what he called “right-wing crackpots–excuse me, ‘people of faith’ ” were promoting “knuckle-dragging judges.” This contempt expresses itself in more refined ways as well, such as the idea that social conservatism is a form of “working class” false consciousness. Thomas Frank advanced this argument in last year’s bestseller, “What’s the Matter With Kansas?”
Liberal politicians have picked up the theme…
…It’s not that [liberal Senator Feingold] sees the issues as unimportant, but that he does not respect the views of those who disagree. His views are thoughtful and enlightened; theirs are, as Mr. Frank describes them, a mindless “backlash.”
This attitude is politically self-defeating, for voters know when politicians are insulting their intelligence…Many voters who aren’t pro-life absolutists have misgivings about abortion on demand and about the death of Terri Schiavo. By refusing to acknowledge the possibility of thoughtful disagreement or ambivalence, Mr. Dean is giving these moderates an excellent reason to vote Republican.
Curiously, while secular liberals underestimate the intellectual seriousness of the religious right, they also overestimate its uniformity and ambition. The hysterical talk about an incipient “theocracy”–as if that is what America was before 1963, when the Supreme Court banned prayer in public schools–is either utterly cynical or staggeringly naive.
Last week an article in The Nation, a left-wing weekly, described the motley collection of religious figures who gathered for Justice Sunday. A black minister stood next to a preacher with a six-degrees-of-separation connection to the Ku Klux Klan. A Catholic shared the stage with a Baptist theologian who had described Roman Catholicism as “a false church.”
These folks may not be your cup of tea, but this was a highly ecumenical group, united on some issues of morality and politics but deeply divided on matters of faith. The thought that they could ever agree enough to impose a theocracy is laughable.
And the religious right includes not only Christians of various stripes but also Orthodox Jews and even conservative Muslims. Far from the sectarian movement its foes portray, it is in truth a manifestation of the religious pluralism that makes America great. Therein lies its strength.