RIC v Felkner: A New Voice

By Marc Comtois | February 9, 2005 |
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We have written of the educational travesty being committed against Bill Felkner by the Rhode Island College School of Social Work before. Now, similarly outraged, Brian Bishop of The Foundation for Intellectual Diversity at Brown University has produced a well-reasoned explanation as to why so many of us find the actions of those who run RIC’s School of Social Work intellectually wrongheaded and discriminatory.

The extent to which various paradigms of benefit provision lead toward independence is the fundamental measure of welfare’s effectiveness, according to both social workers and “wascally Wepublicans.” As would be expected, the greatest debate in substantive welfare reform is how to characterize the results of different approaches.
In Rhode Island, such debate is expected to take place at the School of Social Work at Rhode Island College. But recent public scrutiny indicates that the school views itself as an advocate for a single outlook, rather than as an academic institution considering, with openness, the merits of diverse methods.
The School of Social Work — joined at the hip to RIC’s Poverty Institute — operates on the premise that government benefits confer personal dignity, especially as opposed to dogged self-reliance or private charity.
The school’s charter appears to suggest that it is a failing of the rest of society that folks lie in mean estate, and thus the responsibility of society to provide for them in a nonjudgmental way. It teaches that a panoply of benefits are virtual rights for potential recipients. If any of the assistance available under the ironic rubric of promoting family “independence” is not used, the program is condemned as inflexible.
Thus, the latest marching orders for School of Social Work students is to lobby, as part of a required course, for extending educational benefits to those on welfare beyond the first two years of eligibility. The reasoning behind extending benefits is that a new mother either has little choice about spending these early years with her child or might prefer to do so.

Bishop explained Felkner’s case and contrasted the attitude of the RIC SSW with the students at Brown University who “recognized what their faculty did not: that a refusal to permit certain ideas to be expressed based on presupposition about their merits is an embarrassment to the tradition of liberal education.” While I’m heartened to see such “activism” by Brown’s students, I’m not surprised that there seems to be little faculty support. (Though the fact that Bishop’s foundation is at Brown is cause for hope). Nonetheless, Bishop properly asked the Rhode Island government to put the heat on the state funded schools to insist on academic diversity.

It is not the business of the state to tell private institutions what constitutes a proper academic environment, but these are state institutions. Thus, it is not only proper but paramount for the legislature to adopt a similar academic bill of rights for the state’s university and its colleges, as these schools seem disinclined to confront their failings on their own.

We shall see.
ADDENDUM: A “source” tells us that, thanks in large part to the efforts of Brian Bishop, RI State Senator Kevin Breene will be submitting a bill that will allow the RI Board of Governors for Higher Education to implement an Academic Bill of Rights. Presumably, this will be applicable to all of the schools under the purview of the board: URI, RIC, and CCRI. When the bill becomes available online, we will post it here.

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“Get On Board Now” — Good Advice, That!

By Justin Katz | February 7, 2005 | Comments Off on “Get On Board Now” — Good Advice, That!
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The guys at PRESSblog, a Rhode Island blog for marketers, have reviewed a number of Southern New England blogs “to determine what value they might have to advertisers.” Although I may be, you know, mildly biased, I think they give some great advice when it comes to Anchor Rising:

Will Appeal to: Republican candidates for office, especially in Rhode Island. In fact, a savvy candidate would look to get on board now to help early fundraising. It can also appeal to organizations supporting conservative causes, including those pushing for a federal marriage amendment or, more locally, opposing a Rhode Island casino.

I’d also add a general consideration that PRESSblog doesn’t mention, perhaps because it’s somewhat outside of the offline advertising model. As described in a recent article about comment spam, blogs are disproportionately powerful when it comes to reaching the top of the list created by search engine algorithms. Investment in a few relatively inexpensive, long-running ads could ensure that a particular site makes the first page of a Google search for relevant terms.
So, for any of a host of reasons, any savvy candidates out there should feel free to email me at any time to help with our their fundraising!
ADDENDUM:
It occurs to me that we haven’t noted the paid text ads that we already have on the Sponsors tab at left.
As a general policy, although we will attempt reasonable diligence, advertising doesn’t necessarily equal endorsement. If we’ve experience with an advertiser’s product, we will likely write about it, and if we need something that an advertiser has on offer, we would probably take the opportunity to try it out. We also welcome feedback from readers about their own experiences.

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RE: Airing the Lottery Commision’s “Chaos”

By Marc Comtois | February 7, 2005 | Comments Off on RE: Airing the Lottery Commision’s “Chaos”
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As Justin wrote last week, none of us were really surprised that “independent” lawyer Joseph Tarantino sided with the Legislature on whether their members could legally stay on the Lotto Commission given that Separation of Powers had been passed. (He said “Yes”). Now, it has been reported that Tarantino managed to profit financially, too.

The Lottery Commission’s recent legal opinion from lawyer John A. Tarantino suggesting it was outside the purview of a separation-of-powers constitutional amendment carried a $16,375 price tag.
That’s more than $1,000 a page for the 14-page opinion.
Tarantino, a lawyer with Adler Pollock & Sheehan, is also defending Lincoln Park — the greatest provider of lottery revenue — in its federal corruption trial.
The Lottery Commission, at its Nov. 22 meeting, had voted 7-2 to hire Tarantino and John A. “Terry” MacFadyen III, of MacFadyen, Gescheidt & O’Brien, to give separate opinions regarding commission and separation of powers.
The motion, which came at the suggestion of the commission chairman, Rep. Robert E. Flaherty, D-Warwick, allocated a total of $50,000 for the two opinions, according to commission lawyer Robert M. Silva.
MacFadyen is not moving forward his opinion, Silva said, because of the “changing landscape” around separation of powers, specifically House Speaker William J. Murphy’s decision not to seek an advisory opinion from the Supreme Court on whether lawmakers can stay on the commission.
But just for the record: C. Leonard O’Brien of MacFadyen, Gescheidt & O’Brien is the defense lawyer for another of the defendants in the Lincoln Park bribery-conspiracy case: Nigel Potter, former chief executive of Lincoln Park’s British parent company.

That Tarantino was paid for his report isn’t surprising, but the revelation of the incestuous relationships between the Lotto Commision, it’s advisors and the Lincoln Park fiasco is indeed cause for an alarmed, if not surprised, eyebrow raise.

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Where is the Moral Outrage? Part IV

By | February 6, 2005 |
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The problem of intellectual harassment in academia is so pervasive that, I am sorry to say, Where is the Moral Outrage? is now an ongoing series. This posting builds on previous postings here, here, and here.
Marc has highlighted several other recent examples of a Brown University professor and Ward Churchill at the University of Colorado.
In further commentary on Ward Churchill, Power Line highlights another example of the pathetic behavior within the academy. In that posting, they quote Michael Ledeen of the American Enterprises Institute:

First, “freedom of speech” on most major university campuses nowadays is a fraud. When America’s greatest living historian of the antebellum south, Stephan Thernstrom [of Harvard], is prevented from teaching that course [“The Peopling of America”] because black students protest against a white man teaching it, you know that free speech is over. I work at a place staffed with people who should, by the quality of their work, be in major university chairs, but they are not because the universities do not want people with those ideas. So nobody should think that there’s “freedom of speech” to defend.

Continuing on, they then expand on the Thernstrom situation:

In 1988 three students accused Professor Thernstrom of “racial insensitivity” in teaching his “Peopling of America” course as a result of his discussion of Jim Crow laws and his quotation from Southern plantation journals in a lecture. The response of the Harvard administration to the students’ baseless charges against him left Professor Thernstrom profoundly unsatisfied:

I felt like a rape victim, and yet the silence of the administration seemed to give the benefit of the doubt to the students who attacked me. Maybe I was naive, but I expected the university to come to my defense. I mean, that’s what academic freedom is about, isn’t it? Instead I was left out there by myself, guilty without being proven guilty. I could not even defend myself, because the charge of racism and racial insensitivity is ultimately unanswerable.

Professor Thernstrom decided for the foreseeable future not to offer his “Peopling of America” course. “It just isn’t worth it,” he said. “Professors who teach race issues encounter such a culture of hostility, among some students, that some of these questions are simply not teachable any more, at least not in an honest, critical way.”

The American academy should be ashamed of itself. This is behavior we would expect out of the former Soviet Union, not America.

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Fanaticism, in Essence

By Justin Katz | February 5, 2005 |
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People hold religious, social, or any other beliefs in varying degrees. Some treat them as relative, and whimsically; belief is a matter of perspective, so everybody’s beliefs are equally true, including the changing beliefs of an individual over time. Such people are metastatically dangerous, in their way, but the more palpable threat comes from the opposite end of the spectrum: those for whom beliefs are to be so rigidly held that they cannot be questioned, even implicitly through the equal endowment of rights to speech and association.
That, in essence, is fanaticism. One can believe that Truth requires total abstinence or that Truth permits untrammeled indulgence without being a fanatic. In contrast, one can coat even moderation in fanaticism if the possibilities of both licentiousness and prudery are unspeakable.
There’s a strong whiff such negation in the preemptive removal of a Ten Commandments monument from Roger Williams Park in Providence:

CITY LAWYERS confirmed last week that they began thinking about removing the monument, given to the city in 1963 by the Fraternal Order of Eagles, after getting a complaint from a local taxpayer, A. Gregory Frazier, a former lawyer who volunteers for the ACLU. …
Given the “politically sensitive” nature of the matter, [Deputy City Solicitor Adrienne G. Southgate] says, city lawyers were happy to find a solution that would avoid litigation and at the same time spare the city the expense of removing the monument itself.
Assistant solicitor Raymond Dettore… told Raymond Bonenfant, the secretary, that the monument would have to be removed, and the Eagles could have it back if they so wished. … In August, Steven Brown, the ACLU’s executive director, reminded the city that the monument was still there and needed to be moved. Feeling anxious about the delay, Southgate directed Bob McMahon, deputy parks superintendent, to cover the monument with a tarp.
However, city solicitor Joseph M. Fernandez says that when he mentioned the tarp to Mayor Cicilline during a briefing, Cicilline blocked Southgate’s order, saying covering the Ten Commandments with a tarp didn’t seem appropriate.
Fernandez said it was the first time the Ten Commandments display came up in their conversation, and doesn’t know if the mayor knew about the plans for the monument before that day.

Perhaps it’s the direct symbolism of the case — with the monument out in the open on a substantial expanse of public land. Or perhaps it’s the way in which bare hints of lawsuits and a private group’s “reminders” brought about the swift removal of a monument that was a fixture in the park for more than four decades, almost without the awareness of a single visible elected representative. But the episode makes absolutely clear the impossibility of compromise, or even of coexistence between ideologies.
Contrast the monument’s purgation with this aspect of its history:

At first, the Eagles rejected the proposal [to send copies of the Ten Commandments to courthouses throughout the country], concerned that since there are three different versions of the commandments it might be seen as coercive or sectarian. But that changed when a group of Protestant, Jewish and Catholic laymen produced a version acceptable to all three groups.

The same general approach could accommodate other groups whose religions don’t incorporate the Decalogue at all. It would be possible for public discussion to distill the relevant significance of the monument in the public square and, identifying echoes in the other traditions, develop a solution. When the fanatical ideology demands an absence of a particular form of expression on public land, however, no such compromise is possible — only denial and disparagement, as Stan Strain, from Modesto, California, illustrated to perfection in his letter to the editor of the Providence Journal:

I object to having religious writings and objects on public land. However, I would tolerate them if the government allowed another monument of equal size next to each one, stating that Jesus Christ is a mythical figure, and those who believe in imaginary gods and demons are suffering from a form of mental illness.

A healthy society will emphasize that which is shared, or at least comparable, between the cultures that it comprises. When the only permissible compromise is the erasure of all cultural heritage, the void that remains is a monument to fanaticism.

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American Crusade for Life Unhallowed

By Justin Katz | February 5, 2005 |
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Miguel Guanipa’s voice of reason has been trapped on my To Post list for a while:

Wherever there are children who dare recite the Pledge of Allegiance in a public school, judges who think the Ten Commandments should be displayed in the halls of justice, school principals who dare recite a prayer at a commencement affair, or citizens who dare suggest that offensive sexually explicit material should be removed from the hands of sexual predators, there you will inevitably find the ACLU valiantly persevering in its culturally dissonant crusade against them, until the cautionary voices of reason are finally silenced.

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Oil-For-Food Update

By Marc Comtois | February 4, 2005 | Comments Off on Oil-For-Food Update
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According to an interim report by Paul Volcker, Benon Sevan, head of the Iraq/UN Oil-for-food program was as corrupt as was suspected.

An interim report by a commission investigating the U.N. oil-for- food program in Iraq said the former head of the program had violated the U.N. Charter by helping a company run by a friend obtain valuable contracts to sell Iraqi oil.
The conduct of Benon Sevan, a Cypriot official who ran the program between 1997 until its demise in 2003, was a “grave and continuing conflict of interest” and “seriously undermined the integrity of the United Nations,” the report concludes. (source)

Some point out that the reputations of both Volcker and the UN are on the line. Volcker’s report has caused many Iraqis to call for justice.

Anyone who stole from the UN’s oil-for-food program for Iraq must stand trial and the money be repaid to the Iraqi people, Iraq’s Human Rights Minister said.
Bakhtiar Amin praised Thursday’s report by Paul Volcker, the former head of the US Federal Reserve charged with probing corruption in the program, and said it revealed that even UN dignitaries were not above robbing the poor for profit.
“It shows that some so-called dignitaries had not an iota of shame in their bones, no conscience and no morals,” Mr Amin told Reuters in an interview.
“They profited as parasites on the misery of an impoverished nation.”

It seems that “some of these so-called dignitaries” had an interest in maintaining the status quo in Iraq. Saddam Hussein in power meant money in their pockets. No Saddam, no money. But the UN’s, and international community, couldn’t possibly have opposed the War in Iraq for something as lowly as their own interests, could they?

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WITMO (cont): Brown University President on Intellectual Diversity

By Marc Comtois | February 4, 2005 |
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Brown University President Ruth Simmons spoke about intellectual diversity on campus at her Spring Semester Opening Address on Wednesday.

After her speech. . .Simmons responded to students’ questions on. . . the impact of faculty sharing political opinions in class. . .
Simmons began by telling the audience that one of the questions she receives most frequently when visiting Brown alums and parents around the country is, “What is the University doing about the lack of diversity of opinion on campus?” She said that students on campus of all political stripes have told her of “a chilling effect caused by the dominance of certain voices on the spectrum of moral and political thought.”
Such a chilling effect is detrimental to education and intellectual inquiry because “we are often creatures of habit when it comes to learning. . .Familiar and appetizing offerings can certainly be a pleasing dimension of learning, but too much repetition of what we desire to hear can become intellectually debilitating,” she said. . .
Simmons posed several questions she said should be addressed. . . whether Brown is “suppressing expression, limiting debate (and) fostering hostility to particular ideas and different perspectives. . .Why do so many hold up Brown as an example of the way that universities today circumscribe free expression?”
Simmons said a reasoned challenge to a perspective is “the most important obligation of scholarship” and the duty to enter debates lies with students themselves.
“Unchallenged opinion is a dark place that must be exposed to light,” she said.
. . . To that end, Simmons said she would ask faculty leaders to produce a report for the Community Council that will explore “the climate for open debate on the campus” and suggest any remedies for improving students’ “perceived sense of freedom … with regard to expression and debate.”
In the question-and-answer session following the speech, Danny Doncan ’05 asked Simmons about the impact of faculty sharing their opinions and political positions in classes.
Simmons said though freedom of expression must apply to all, including faculty, “there is a relationship of power that exists in the classroom.” She said her advice to professors would be “to ensure that every student feels empowered to enter into debate.”
“One thing that’s very hard for us to do as faculty is really (to) withhold enthusiasm for a subject. … I remember when I was first starting as a faculty member, I discovered that the more I talked in class, the less the students did.”
. . . With regard to Simmons’ announcement of the new lecture fund, Etan Green ’08 told The Herald he thought it was significant that the three most visible speakers last semester were Howard Dean, Noam Chomsky and Jesse Jackson. Green wondered if the new fund would work.
“With the significant leftist leanings, will anyone take advantage of (the fund), and will anyone show up?” he said.

Simmons is to be applauded for making this effort. Initially, I believed she was being either naive or disengenuous when she stated, according to the report, that challenging a point of view is “the most important obligation of scholarship” and that it was up to the student to engage in debate. However, in answer to a question, she later acknowledged the “relationship of power. . . in the classroom” between professor and student and recommended that every professor should “ensure that every student feels empowered to enter into debate.” This left me to conclude that she understands the problem.
Apparently, so does the University of Colorado, which is taking steps to address the actions of Ward Churchill, “who likened World Trade Center victims to a notorious Nazi” and has lied about being an American Indian for the purpose of adding credibility to his radical teachings. The whole brouhaha started when Churchill was invited to speak at Hamilton College. (via Instapundit and The Belmont Club)

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“It’s Fun to Shoot Some People”: How Headlines Don’t Reflect the Story

By Marc Comtois | February 4, 2005 | Comments Off on “It’s Fun to Shoot Some People”: How Headlines Don’t Reflect the Story
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WASHINGTON (Reuters) – A senior U.S. Marine Corps general who said it was “fun to shoot some people” should have chosen his words more carefully but will not be disciplined, military officials said on Thursday.
Lt. Gen. James Mattis, who commanded troops in Iraq and Afghanistan and is slated to be portrayed by star actor Harrison Ford in an upcoming Hollywood movie, made the comments at a conference on Tuesday in San Diego, California.
“Actually it’s quite fun to fight ’em, you know. It’s a hell of a hoot. It’s fun to shoot some people. I’ll be right up front with you, I like brawling,” Mattis said.

The reason he won’t be disciplined is because the context in which he made the statement, which has been downplayed and certainly wasn’t as “sexy”, was

“You go into Afghanistan, you got guys who slap women around for five years because they didn’t wear a veil,” Mattis said during a panel discussion. “You know, guys like that ain’t got no manhood left anyway. So it’s a hell of a lot of fun to shoot them.”

Now, I can understand the reluctance to officially condone such sentiments, but there are quite a few people, men and women, who share Mattis’ sentiments.
A sidebar to the story: it is mentioned that Harrison Ford will portray Mattis in a movie. The movie is about the aborted assault on Fallujah in April 2004. The movie will be based on the book No True Glory: Fallujah and the Struggle in Iraq : A Frontline Account by Bing West, an imbed reporter who was with the U.S. Military during the battle.

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Airing the Lottery Commission’s “Chaos”

By Justin Katz | February 4, 2005 | Comments Off on Airing the Lottery Commission’s “Chaos”
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The Providence Journal is urging “Governor Carcieri, House Speaker William Murphy and Senate President Joseph Montalbano to sit down together and work out some of the kinks in the implementation of separation of powers.” While kinks should surely be worked out as quickly as possible, I’d prefer that these three Rhode Island leaders sit down before an audience for the discussion.
It’s not that I distrust the governor to stand his ground, but the ordeal — especially when it comes to the $1.5-billion-a-year Lottery Commission — stinks so badly that all handling thereof ought to be done in the open air. The editorial uses the words “chaos” and “confusion,” but as is often the case, putting all of the various pieces on the table, those qualities appear sown, not inherent.
At some point, the Lottery Commission hired lawyer John Tarantino to investigate whether the separation of powers amendment affected its composition. Tarantino, readers may recall, wrote a harsh commentary piece for the Projo attacking Ed Achorn for his “dangerous” rants about government corruption, and promised to offer his “honest opinion” about the “complex issue” that he was studying. Well, surprise, surprise, he’s found as some folks, Ed Achorn perhaps among them, might have predicted:

Tarantino, of Adler Pollock & Sheehan, said the state Constitution grants the General Assembly “absolute power with respect to all matters pertaining to gambling. . .” He said separation of powers does not “appear explicitly or implicitly to undermine this precedent.”

When I first read that Tarantino had been hired by the Commission itself, I thought the fact had a ring of independence. However, the same article reporting the fruits of his analysis explains that heretofore, the Commission consisted of three senators, three representatives, and three gubernatorial appointees. In other words, the question that the nine members charged the lawyer with answering was whether six of them could retain their positions.
In the meantime, House Speaker William Murphy and Senate President Joseph Montalbano raised questions “about the effect of the separation-of-powers amendment on the Lottery Commission and the Coastal Resources Management Council” (in Tarantino’s words). As Ed Achorn says, the “political firestorm grew so hot that Speaker Murphy wisely backed off and pledged to respect the will of the people.”
Even so, the three house representatives on the Lottery Commission insisted on staying put until Governor Carcieri’s appointees are ready to take their place. And the Senate Judicary Committee has produced a perhaps prohibitively arduous questionnaire requiring those nominees — who are unpaid volunteers — to divulge full maps of their personal and financial lives since they turned eighteen.
The picture that emerges is of a legislature striving to keep its grip on the Lottery Commission for as long as possible. One can only imagine the nefarious intentions that the governor scuttled by maneuvering to keep the Commission attendance short of the five members needed to do any work at its first meeting of the year. But just to be safe, perhaps all negotiations and meetings ought to be pursued in full public view.

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